From 1st of September 1939 when WW2 broke out, until 18th of September, I was imprisoned in the Polish concentration camp in Kartoz-Bereza, with multitude detainees from all over Poland, men and women of all nationalities, classes and parties. The great number of Jews suspected of communism and members of “left” parties was quite noticeable. Nationalistic Ukrainians and Byelorussians were imprisoned. In the last days, a convoy of thousands of Germans was brought from districts of Poznan and Shlezia.

Even in peaceful times this camp was famous for its horrible conditions. The situation worsened in with time. It was horribly crowded. We underwent very difficult army-training-drills (usually meant as penalty for soldiers) and they made us work very hard. However, the army officers and the hangmen-policemen felt and knew that the end was near and they made all plans for escape. In the meantime they poured all their anger on the detainees and bit them. We got just one bowl of soup a day – our only nourishment. We were disconnected from the outside world and we were forbidden to have any conversation with the new arrivals. Only the daily scene of German airplanes in the sky indicated that war was going on. Unusually, they did not harm us thanks to the presence of thousands of Germans in the camp.

On the 18th of September my cell door was opened and Jewish youth from the shtetl burst in, with white bands on their sleeves, members of the civil watch organized just recently, and amazed us with their news of the fleeing Polish officers and policemen and of the approaching of the Red Army to the shtetl. The thousands of detainees burst out from all cells, passed the gate and each hurried to their homes.

We, a bunch of Jews from Kletsk, started in the direction of the East, in the direction of Baranovitz. Tired and hungry we mustered the rest of our strength and walked the wide road with the pleasant feelings of freedom after the nightmare we had suffered.

On the way we met Soviet military troops and tanks who cheered facing us. After one day of walking we were put on train wagons which were prepared with extra hurry especially for the prisoners of the camp. The train brought us to Baranovitz. From there we reached Soviet Kletsk by horses and carriages on a grey autumn day, between Rosh HaShanah and Yom Kippur.

The first impressions – thousands of refugees from all over Poland, filling the houses and their number is on the rise from day to day. The Jews pf the shtetl did a lot to accommodate them, and the Soviet rule helped fully, materially.

We watched the Red Army with curiosity. After having been disconnected for 20 years, it was impossible to detect significant changes. Swear words and cursing prevalent in previous years disappeared entirely. The civilian Soviet clerks drew a special attention. They came from the East to organize the apparatus of the rule and administration. Among them were several Jews. They were nicknamed “vestuchniki”, meaning: people of the East. They maintained close relationship with the population (entirely unlike the Polish clerks in the past), conversed friendly with people and spent time in the company of the Jewish youth. They were very keen about fabric and leather products and bought merchandize without bargaining.

On Monday, the regular market day in the shtetl, one could observe this phenomenon: the square is crowded as usual with carriages and horses belonging to the farmers. Shops and warehouses are open. In several places in the market – groups of people crowding around a communist propagandist delivering his speech, offers to answer questions and responds. Such “mobile” assemblies are led every Monday in the market square.

The Jewish population of Kletsk accepted the new rule with sympathy and friendship. The merchants, shopkeepers, the Zionists and the religious people did not delude themselves with regard to the policy of the Soviet regime. The liberal attitudes did not dazzle them. However, we all knew that we were saved from the Hitlerite danger thanks to the Soviet army. Our life and honor were secured. During the whole period of the Soviet rule we did not notice any sign of abuse, antisemitism or discrimination against Jews.

In the meantime, the Nazi army is stationed west of the Bug. Europe is in the flames of war. The contract between Stalin and Hitler was considered by us as only temporary. A process started of adjustment to the new life and rule.

Comrade Gladishev, a tall Russian, broad shoulders, energetic face, a man of culture, is the head of the temporary Soviet administration in Kletsk and the surroundings. His office is Katzav’s stone building, where the photograph shop of the M family was located. This is indeed a very successful/fortunate choice.

Gladishev served many years as the head of the municipal council in Bobroisk. He has had a long ongoing administrative experience of activity among Jews. He showed empathy, understanding, tact and flexibility in his new and complex job. He had an outstanding fitness for his work. He used to dine and get a short sleep in his office. Along the whole day he was busy in conferring with the organizations and institutions of the shtetl – merchants, shopkeepers, craftsmen, workers, mill-owners, teachers, etc., In the evenings there were general meetings of all the directors, workers and clerks from all temporary administration, mostly local people. In these meetings we had to deliver a report about our daily work, explain the problems that arose, and make decisions about our future work.

Gladishev was almost the only person from the East who was oriented in those matters and showed understanding in solving the intricate problems. Here is a characteristic example: A day before the evening of Yom Kippur, at the end of the meeting, we presented the problem of Yom Kippur. We explained the value and importance and sacredness of this day for the Jewish population and we asked the authorities to permit closing of the shops and businesses and free the workers and clerks from working on that day.

A Jewish youth, a Russian communist, got exited: “What kind of request is this? The Soviet Law ensures complete religious freedom. Jews are allowed to pray as much as they wish but it is unacceptable to close businesses, institutions and offices. In fact, what kind of Soviet workers are those who are deep in superstitions?”

We responded: “Yom Kippur, the first under Soviet rule, deserves a special attitude. It is the most sacred day for the religious Jewish population and even the most liberal among Jews regard this day with a special attitude and feelings. It is necessary to act with caution and flexibility. Right now we should take the road of concessions and compromises.”

The youth was not convinced. He was absolutely ignorant, stemming from a completely assimilated family.

Gladishev listened to the argument deep in thought. Finally he decided: “Since the Soviet law does not apply to shops and private businesses, because they do not exist in Russia, no disturbance is to be caused on this day by their workers resting from work. Institutions and Offices must not be closed. All workers and clerks who wish not to work on that day, they can be absent on that day. Officially this day would be regarded as their usual weekly day of rest like that of the Soviet workers.“

The first Yom Kippur under Soviet Rule was not different from any of its predecessors in the previous years.

As for the policy of the Soviets in the areas conquered in West Belarus:

The scheduled National Assembly meant to approach Moscow with a declaration and a request to annex the freed areas to the Soviet Republic. This would be a turning point and transition to the next era. So with regard to future elections the authorities made an effort to adopt a liberal political policy and avoid taking measures that may arouse objection of the population. Special attention was dedicated to provide the most essential vital needs. Lack of those basic needs was liable to harm the prestige of the regime. There was no choice but to permit free private enterprise. In his meetings with the economic circles such as the merchants, shop owners, mill owners and industrial enterprises, Gladishev demanded that they continue their activity, promising to help. He especially compelled the shop owners to open their shops and promised them certified permits to import and renew their stock. The rate of exchange for the Polish golden coin was based on the Russian Ruble. There was, besides, the start of organizing the department of provisions for opening state-shops.

At a fast rate, big shipments of oil, kerosene and matches came from Russia, and later also other goods. The situation became similar to the Nap after the October revolution. The end of the Nap people was well known to us. In one of the meetings with Gladishev, somebody dared ask: You demand from us to continue our activity. Will our fate not be like that of the Nap people in the Soviet Union? Gladishev dismissed these apprehensions saying that at this particular time and circumstances their activity was necessary and beneficial and will be well appreciated by the authorities.

All complied. Shops and commercial houses were kept open. Crowded ques next to the shops of fabric and leather grew. Although there was a strict prohibition of passing the border without a special permit from the authorities and the NKVD, Kletsk was swarmed with multitude of farmers, kolkhoznics, men and women. Many of them had acquaintances in Kletsk from way back and they stayed in their houses. Most brought along gold coins from the Tsar’s time and with the mediation of their acquaintances they bought all kinds of goods.

The middlemen brought the merchandise to the store houses, in the dark of the evening and in the late hours of the night they came back satisfied. The authorities did not use strict measures against them.

However, the merchants, store keepers and small industry (the big ones were nationalized after a short while) were interested to get rid of their businesses and merchandise, close up their factories and move to a new way of life not faulty in the Soviet eye.

All the institutions and organizations of the Soviet administration were soon active and clerks from the East were appointed to responsible jobs. They were of various types, ages, and professions and even students of technical schools, party activists,, etc. Most of them were young with quite a number of Jews among them. Their outward appearance and attire were modest. Their behavior and conduct “showed” their long detachment and seclusion. They truly believed that there was a horrible suppressing regime, exploitating the workers, that day of work lasted 12 hours, that the estate owners treated the farmers as feudal lords, that pogroms in Jews was almost a daily occurrence. The Jews among them were friendly and not arrogant.

A few curiosities: the Soviet women sewed for themselves suits of colorful material that was meant for pyjamas. They appeared in this attire in balls and public dancing and heard laughter and jokes about them. It stopped immediately. The Jewish population tried jot to appear in a showy” attire. Still, on Saturdays, Tzepra street was full of youth walking in a Sabbath attire. Their remark at seeing them was: How nice the girls look and how elegant their suits are…

When the Russians organized the intricate administrative apparatus, they needed all kinds of workers. Until now they had not looked into the skills of our Jewish population. The intellectuals, the “free” professionals were mostly members of the Zionist groups and of the middle class. Thus the result was that in all the offices, the number of Zionists and activists of pioneer movement was high.

At the time of the Polish rule, there was in Kletsk a small group of youth, known for their sympathy with communism. Naturally they wished to occupy administrative posts. However they were greatly disappointed. They met suspicion and hostility. They were honest workers but were strangers to the reality and Russian culture. They did not even know Russian.

The oldest and most educated among them, who came to Kletsk from east Poland, had very elementary knowledge of socialist and communist literature.

A certain group of people complained about the administration not employing people from the working classes. They were answered that people were employed on the basis of fitness for the tasks involved in the administration.

The Russian administration assumed authority over economy, culture and education and it became cumbersome, lacking clear and exact definition of the authority of each office and institution, which led to misunderstanding and conflicts.

Examples: the secretariat of the communist party promised that it did plan to nationalize all synagogues and batei-midrash. However, suddenly, a clerk appeared from the gureispolkum (City Council) and put a lock on the door of the old Beit Midrash declaring that it was meant to be a store-house for merchandise. No efforts and complaints helped. This clerk claimed that otherwise he would have to leave all merchandise and commodities outside for lack of place to store them. He promised that they would not touch the Cold Synagogue and he fulfilled this promise.

The NKVD militia detained at midnight 3 teachers of the Belarussian high school. One was of the “White Guardia”, a distinct anti-Semite, and the other two were suspected of moral behavior. They were immediately expelled to the Soviet Union and disappeared. They did not find it necessary to inform the department of education of this expultionbefore or after this event. We were amazed at the sudden disappearance and 3 classes did not study for a certain time.

The winter of 1939-1940 was unusually very difficult. Temperatures reached 30 degrees of cold, accompanied by storms. All schools announced that the wood-logs for heating the ovens were almost gone. The children sit on their places shaking of cold. We neglect work and waste time and energy on providing the schools with logs. It entails a long and tiring process of getting money to rent carriages, obtain permit certificates to present to the supervisors of the forests that had been already nationalized during the very first days.

On a snowy and frosty day we go out on farmers’ carriages to the wood, 25 km. away, that was especially designated for the needs of the Kletsk population. (Very strange; there were plenty of forests closer to Kletsk). The forest supervisor looks at the document and shows us a new dictate/instruction that just now arrived from the district, from Niesviz’. This dictate informs that we must have an additional certificate/permit from the district department of forests. Nothing helped. The bitterness in our heart and of the two party members who joined us – is indescribable. We return to the shtetl with empty carriages.

A bitter quarrelsome telephone-duel starts between Nisviz’ and Kletsk, full of expressions from the famous Soviet lexicon: khalatnast [negligence, sloppiness], vreditelstvo [sabotage], etc

With time the heating of schools was taken care of but in the meantime the children suffered from the cold.

There were figures of speech very common at those days, uttered often by the Soviet communists activists in the many lengthy meetings and assemblies:

Pravilno [right]. This word was uttered as an interjection. On the face of it this word is common, but in the mouth of the communists it had a special sound and meaning: you are treading exactly on the narrow path called the general-party-line, without deviating to the right or to the left…

Dogovorilis [we reached an agreement by talking between us]. This was characteristic of the methods of the Soviet administration and management.

This was the result of the very cumbersome apparatus of the administration. To avoid misunderstanding and contradictions, people had to talk with each other to reach an agreement.

Education turned out to be a difficult issue.

The Soviet teacher is first of all an educator and a guide. However, he must also play the part of a propagandist among parents and the general public. He does not need to be a party-communist but he must be imbued with the spirit of Soviet patriotism. He must be acquainted with the Marxist-Leninist doctrine and stick to the general party line.

That posed a problem with regard to the Zionist teachers of Tarbut school, the religious teachers of Beit YaakovandTalmud Torah.

There was no chance of importing teachers from the Soviet Union and it was necessary to use the local teachers.

Already in the first days, Gladishev called for a general assembly of all the local teachers. He explained in a long speech the trends and methods of the Soviet pedagogy and demanded that all teachers integrate in the new life and get to work. The teachers sat thoughtful. Only few understood Russian. None of them dared ask any questions, as is customary at such meetings. They walked away gloomy.

A solution was needed immediately because children were roaming the streets. This was the situation in the villages as well. Finally, directions and instructions arrived from Minsk: all schools are opening and all teachers start working. The teaching language stays as it was previously, except in the schools for Belarussians where from Polish they switch Belarussian. All humanistic subjects are withheld until further instruction, except for the teaching of Russian.

To judge by the terms of the instruction, it allows Hebrew to be the teaching language in schools such as Tarbut.So, in many cities in the west of Belarus, the technical and re’al subjects {mathematics, science, etc.] were taught in Hebrew and that was also the language used between teachers and students.

Later it became clear that in the central departments in Minsk they knew very little of the issue of Jewish education in Poland. They knew nothing about the essence of the Tarbutschools. The status quo of the instruction was meant only for Yiddish. With time they explained to us the real meaning of this instruction and demanded its immediate implementation.

The temporary manager of the department of Education in the district was a Jewish communist who had just finished high school and finished a course in propaganda. He was considered educated and intelligent but belonged to the “wrong” social class. His parents were rich merchants in the Zar’s time. He was adamant to prove his fanatic sticking to communism in his new status. He forbade the use of Hebrew and allowed only Yiddish and tried to incorporate Soviet customs in the schools. He was removed from office after a short time.

At first, the atmosphere in the schools was morbid. The children were mad at the appearance of their religious teachers without a head cover. They opposed taking off their own head covers. It actually did not pose much of a problem since the children sat in class all fully dressed up because of the cold.

The three Jewish schools in Kletsk – Tarbut, Beit Yaakov and Talmud Torah merged into one school called “Jewish High School Incomplete” that had only 7 classes/grades while a complete school included 10 classes. For a long time they were short of text books and teaching tools.

For the time being the teachers were instructed to deal mainly with conducting talks with the children to introduce them gradually to the Soviet way of life, to read to them various pamphlets about Stalin, etc.

The children were naturally sensitive to the hypocrisy of their teacher’s conduct and the unnatural situation. Sometimes they avoided meeting their teachers’ eyes. The teachers were forced to study the Russian language in the evenings and listen to propaganda speeches and lectures.

A certain routine was reached by February 1940. Books started arriving from The Soviet Union in Yiddish – textbooks of literature, Russian History and also of re’al-technic. Gradually there was an adjustment to the new reality. Close to summer, all students sat in classes without head covers, wrote on Saturdays and on Holidays, etc.

The Soviet pedagogic method of “Socialist competitions” took hold as also examinations, Holidays, demonstrations and the like. At the end of the first school year, the Jewish high school was marked favorably by the educational administration in the district.

As the second school year was approaching, there was some stirring among the parents of the school children. Some wanted to promote the Yiddish school into a Russian school and teach in Russian. They were practical. There were no Jewish institutes of higher education in Soviet Russia.

The authorities were interested in the existence of Yiddish in order to win the Jews over. The Jewish communists in Minsk were grouped around the Yiddish newspaper “October”. They wished to develop Jewish culture in the occupied territories.

The parents pressed until the department of education called a general meeting for a democratic vote. The representatives of the authorities did not participate in the voting and the majority voted for Russian. The final result – an incomplete Russian high school, inclusively Jewish, and it existed until the Holocaust.

The elections to the national assembly were due to decide in Bialistok the status of West Belarus. The authorities aimed to get 98-99 percent and they activated propaganda full steam.

All “spiritual men-power” from among the teachers, clerks and workers were conscripted to the task. They had to listen to speeches and lectures, participate in the “short course” of the Marxist-Leninistic dogma and pass it over to the electors. Every street and alley in Kletsk was divided into sections containing a specific number of houses and inhabitants. A propagandist was attached to each section and he had to conduct election meetings in the evenings. Officially it was not compulsory to attend the meetings but the propagandist had list of all the precise names of the electors in his section and he read out to the meeting the full list. Therefore, nobody was absent.

One could see in the streets of the shtetl in the cold evenings of winter, lines of people wearing coats and furs,

Old and young attended the meetings. The main arguments in the propaganda were that the Soviets Union and the Red Army saved the Jews from the Nazis, all signs of antisemitism and discrimination disappeared, and the elections were to confirm the dedication of the people to the Russian rule. This dedication would, in return, determine the attitude of the authorities to the population.

Since Elections in the Soviet Union were very ceremonial, the buildings in the 5 sections of the shtetl were decorated, there were dances and balls and various performances. Work in schools and offices was almost neglected to allow everybody to contribute to the preparations.

The question arose as to who would be the representative to the National Assembly in Bialistok the end of December 1939. According to the regulations, the candidate had to be:

Of Jewish nationality (in Belarus), of the working classes, not involved in political parties (including the communist party suspected of Trotzkizm), intelligent, educated and understanding the Russian language.

Very near to the day of elections, there was no candidate who was endowed with all the above requirement. The first mass convention of the whole population of Kletsk was to be held in the market square near the stone house of Katav. A big platform/stage was set and big posters called the people to convene.

The convention was to convey the free will and initiative of the population.

The text of the decisions was pre-written by the heads of the authority, conveying the joy and gratitude of the people to the authorities. The one reading the text would be a representative of the population, with the Soviet representatives present as onlookers.

As a one who knows Russian, I was appointed to read out the decision at the end of the speeches. I was sure that with this my task was completed.

On the fixed day and hour, the whole population was in the square. The houses were closed. Even the very old were there and mothers with their babies. All were keen to listen to what was being said.

In this this first public meeting with the population, the Soviets wanted to show off their strength and glory. On the right of the stage, the garrison soldiers with their officers stood in lines. On the left of the stage - the special forces of the NKVD headed by the Komissars and senior clerks. On the sides stood the representatives of the civil authorities and members of the party. Many wore medals of distinction and decorations and were dressed majestically.

The assembly did not leave a strong impression.

The Belarussian representative delivered a speech in Belarussian. Two Jews of the working class followed and read from a written text. Their voice was hardly heard in the two first rows. I stood on the side of the stage holding in my hand the pre-written text of the decisions. I was ready to go on stage at the end of the speeches.

Gladishev approached me and asked that before reading the decisions I should say something in the name of the “working intelligentsia”. I was very surprised but it was difficult to refuse. I succeeded to prepare a short speech. At the end of the speeches I went on stage, strained my voice and with a ceremonial excited tone I delivered my short speech in Russian and then read out the decisions.

The speech was followed by stormy applauses.

It did not occur to me that this unexpected success will cause me a lot of trouble and in the days to come I would be the subject of investigations by the NKVD which could lead to sorrowful results. After the assembly, the Soviet leaders paid much attention to my personality and noted my candidateship to the National Assembly.

After a few days all teachers and clerks were required to submit to the temporary administration autobiographies written in Russian, on two forms. They were required to clarify three points: social descent, profession, the kinds of past work and activity and party affiliation or political inclinations in the past.

That was an embarrassing and delicate situation. We gathered for consultation.

Among the participants: M. Liberman talented youth of high education, graduate of the faculty of law in Warsaw university, active in Zionist-Socialist circles and “Shomer HaTzair”, Manya Budenkin his fiancée, Manya Perlman, R. Melier –all these women were teachers, daughters of wealthy shopkeepers. Also present were Ze’ev Turbovitz and A. Levinbuk – accountants, and other active Zionists-Socialists. We discussed the situation and reached the decision that there is no point in hiding anything. The autobiography was to be handed on two forms one of which was to be handed to the NKVD and they could examine and investigate. Hiding the truth could be fatal. We wrote down that we were not listed/registered members of any party but we didn’t hide our views and activity for Zionism and the Land of Israel.

Upon my return from the Kartoz-Bereza camp I was appointed vice manager or supervisor in the regional Department of Education and Culture.

After the handing in of our autobiographies, Gladishev informed me that my candidateship as the representative of Kletsk in the National Assembly is still being examined in the relevant institutes. This disappointed me. I did not nurture any ambition for this mission. I knew well that my political past did not qualify me for this office, and foresaw the consequences.

My candidateship lasted a short while. Several days later, I was called to the secretariat of the communist party. Present there were the three secretaries, Gladishev and representative of the NKVD. One of them started cross examining me about my past, my political views and my activity. He especially asked about my work as the director and a teacher at the Tarbut School, in Kletsk in the past. Several questions were especially emphasized and they were repeated several times. They were about the subjects that I taught: Bible and Talmud. I answered openly and exactly.

The cross examination was over and I returned to my office worried and cast down. I did have some “rights” as a prisoner at Kartoz-Bereza, but I was doubtful that it would hold for me. It was clear that the NKVD investigated thoroughly the personality and quality of each candidate and there were probably those who “contributed” information voluntarily… it would be best for me to stay in the shade with a modest job. A bit later Gladishev came over and with extra politeness explained to me that unfortunately, for understandable reasons, my candidateship is cancelled. However, I have nothing to worry. I should continue in my office.

A long process started to find a suitable candidate [instead of the author]. Elections are near and from the Baranovitz district they demand a name and details about a candidate. Kletsk has no name to offer.

The “Westochnics” grumble: How is it possible that in a shtetl with more than 5,000 Jews, not even one Jew is found suitable to be a representative to the National Assembly?”

A warning arrives from Baranovitz on the phone that if until the nearing zero-hour no candidate is offered, Kletsk would lose its right to be represented. Finally someone is found:

A young man, worker in the oil/fats factory of Moshe Elianik , unknown until now.

He was called urgently to the last session and after some questioning was approved. Actually he did not satisfy all requirements but it was urgent to decide.

Election day was celebrated like a Holiday: all institutes were closed and people dressed in Holiday clothes hurried to the poles. Cars drove the very old and orchestras played in the streets.

Participation in the poles was 100 % and the results were 99% in favor of the proposed candidate. The leaders and representatives of the authorities were very satisfied with this victory.

At the end of December 1939 the National Assembly of West Belarus in Bialistok reached its decision and requested, from the Soviet Government and the Executive body of the Supreme Soviet, to annex the freed territories of West Belarus to the Soviet Belarus Socialist Republic.

After a while the response from Moscow was that the presidency of the Supreme Council of the Soviet Union accepted the request.

The second period under the Soviet rule was characterized by carefully implementing the Soviet policy in all realms of life. There were few cases of communist extreme measures such as harsh taxation of former merchants and shopkeepers. The Supreme Institutes punished those extremists.

A few days after the elections, part of the “westochnics”, party members, leaders and clerks were made to leave Kletsk and return to the Soviet Union. This was the result of information they go of these people’s conduct in the occupied territories, including settling in luxurious apartments in Kletsk, living luxuriously and acquiring merchandize by doubtful means.

Others came instead of the banished ones, among them some nice Jews who talked juicy Lithuanian Yiddish, who became friendly with the Jews of Kletsk and especially with the youth.

Gladishov returned to his former office in Bobroisk and the Kletsk population was sorry he left. In his place came a Jewish communist, comrade Beininson, very experienced in administration. He was energetic and smart and he was the one who had expelled the “guilty” part of the clerks from Kletsk.

Upon his arrival he stayed in the hotel owned by the Liberman family in the Market Square. He befriended the son of the owner – M. Liberman (graduate of the Faculty of Law in Warsaw. Later killed by the Natzis). In the evenings they had long conversations in which he emphasized the need to uproot all frauds and corruption. He said he would not tolerate things done by the former clerks and thus harmed the authorities and the party. He clearly wished to have his words spread among the public and win prestige and authority.

Significant changes took place in the composition of the population. There was a continuous immigration to Vilna which was declared the capital of Lita. First to leave were the wealthy merchants and shopkeepers. The activists of the Aguda, heads of the Yeshiva and its students followed them. Among the immigrants were families who had relatives in the States, in South Africa and in the Land of Israel. In Vilna they had a chance to immigrate to these places and actually these families reached their goal.

The authorities almost disregarded this immigration phenomenon. They were rather satisfied with it. That was the simplest and most comfortable way to get rid of doubtful elements unable to adjust to the Soviet Regime.

The next step [taken by the authorities] was nationalization of the big buildings, stone houses, shops and storehouses and turning them into National institutes and offices. It was done carefully. The owners got comfortable apartments instead.

The authorities wished to turn the big building of the Yeshiva and its large hall into a municipal club. Some students of the Yeshiva were still there.

I witnessed a somewhat stormy meeting where this matter was discussed. Some impatient communists demanded firm measures to get hold of the building. Beininson opposed it firmly. He promised that with time the problem will be solved. Indeed, the rest of the students left Kletsk without delay.

All inhabitants of all nationalities and social classes were invited to attend the formal opening of the municipal club in the remodeled Yeshiva. Despite the many attractions prepared for this evening the large hall was almost empty. The older and middle aged, even those with liberal views, could not participate in this desecration of the holy place. Even the Jewish youth, accustomed to participate in the municipal balls, was absent. Part of the local workers and clerks who could have been afraid of the results – skipped this occasion. The hall was filled only with the Belorussian youth. The speakers who pointed at the empty chairs emphasized that it was necessary to re-educate the population to free them from “prejudices” and “superstitions”.

With time, a mixed group of people attended, especially from among the Jewish and the Belarussian. Each evening had a program, plays staged by the Jewish drama club, movies, Balls, etc. In this place they also held the public trials.

Very quickly the leftovers of the “Nop” temporary regime were erased. The private shops closed. Many of the shopkeepers and the people of the middle class were employed in the provisions departments, Soviet merchant projects, national /State sores, etc. The previously rich storekeepers and merchants became plain workers and honorable house owners such as Bodenkin and Mushkin family were sweeping the market square.

More and more such sayings were heard: To disperse, to transfer and to re-educate. It scared people. In the case of Kletsk such steps were not taken except against families suspected of relations with the former Polish secret police. Other Jews – unlike in other parts of Belarus – were not expelled from Kletsk for political or social reasons.

I know clearly that in the temporary administration, a list existed of “non grata” inhabitants intended for expulsion. However one day an instruction arrived from Minsk not to use this action until further instructions. I remember the joy of the “doomed” when I secretly broke the news to them. (Ironically, the expelled survived the Holocaust).

There was one action taken by the Soviet Regime in Kletsk and other places that aroused antagonism among the population. It was announced in posters that all refugees who want to repatriate to occupied Poland, should register in a special office intended for this purpose. Some refugees who were separated from their families and who could not adjust to the new regime and were economically depressed chose to register.

One night farmers’ wagons appeared next to their dwelling places. Armed militia people woke them up, allowed them an hour to prepare and the wagons full of families with little luggage were taken to the Baranovitz train station. They disappeared from our shtetl. When it was known to the population they were horrified. The authorities had to explain that those people were suspected of being disloyal to the regime. They are being transferred to other places and no harm will be done to them. The Soviet government will see to settle them in the new places.

A similar action, even with more cruelty, was executed towards the Polish “Osadniks”…

We adjusted gradually to the new circumstances. We had to accept the bad and painful. We knew that Europe was a volcano while we were in a relative peace and comfort. Nobody lacked food and clothes. Until the last day, the market was full of various commodities with low prices, equal to all. There was almost no unemployment. Sure, the rich lost their wealth but the poor were very satisfied with the new regime as it improved their condition by far and opened for them the way to comfortable new life.

Spiritually we were depressed - spiritual emptiness. Zionists, people of Hebrew culture and the pioneer youth suffered much. The religious Jew could still pray in public with no interference, observe religion and its dictates, study Torah and Gemara, etc. Some teachers secretly taught children.

All activity for Zionism, the Land of Israel, Hebrew education and culture – stopped. We were especially depressed that we had to pretend, put on masks while in our hearts we craved for Zion.

The youth adjusted quickly. The number of those who studied increased. Jewish children spoke Russian. There were mutual meetings of youth from East and West. The youth dreamed of higher education with better future chances. The grown-ups were employed in economic posts. Balls of entertainment and dances continued in the municipal club hall nonstop.

At the end of spring, some gloomy signs could be noticed in the horizon.

On Sunday the 22nd of June, all the radio stations broadcasted the speech delivered by Molotov, the Foreign Minister, about the sudden attack of Nazi Germany on the Soviet Union.

Nobody imagined that only few days separate us from the appearance of the Nazis in our city. We trusted the Red Army. We were disappointed. That same evening and night many refugees from the West started arriving in Kletsk and they were amazed at our complacency. From the next day the events developed in a dizzying pace .

We could notice a suspicious panic in the circles of the authorities. Cargo cars carried Soviet families and children to the East. The number of refugees increased. According to the news, the Nazis were advancing into the boundaries of Belarus and that the resistance of the Red Army was very slight. Monday, before evening, the evacuation of the Russian institutes and plants started. On Tuesday morning, a formal announcement was issued of the evacuation. At noon, we heard the echoes of explosions in the surroundings of Kletsk. In the evening, crowds of people hurried by foot or by vehicles through the Tzepra street in the direction of Timkovitz-Slutzk. Only a small part of the Jews of Kletzk decided to flee. The active members of the Soviet Regime were the first to leave. People who had some access to vehicles followed them. The rest of the population had no other choice but to stay. They did not delude themselves. They knew that troubles are in store for them. Annihilation did not cross anybody’s mind.

In the last hours of Tuesday evening, we reached the former Soviet-Polish border. The frontier r guard did not have any instructions and did not let anybody pass. Next to the border along many Kilometers, camps of people formed. The impatient ones shouted, made a lot of noise and tried to break in. Only at dawn the border guard soldiers allowed passage. All the people stormed ahead to the East.

On Wednesday morning we reached Timkovitz (Batalon – tonyadovka in Mendele Mokher Sfarim’s books) and we shook the inhabitants’ tranquility. Towards evening we arrive in Kapolia (home town of Mendele, Kavtziel-Kavtzemsk). On Thursday morning we met a group of Kletsk refugees in the market square. Part of them announced firmly that they decided to return to their homes and advised us to join them. While we were talking, a shower of bombs and fire poured down on us from German aircraft causing a terrible panic. We ran away on the road to Minsk. The German airplanes did not let go, flew low and caused death and injuries. Only the sheaves in the field were our shield. We waited until there was some repose. We emerged from our hiding place and continued our flight towards Minsk. Here we witnessed the panicky retreat of the Red Army. We experienced difficult hours of depression and despair, chaos and disintegration. At times we thought that it was the end. What is the point in running away and the animals of prey will find us everywhere? We knew of the Russian’s strenth, men-power and treasures and we figured that the running soldiers were not the Russian Nation as a whole. Russia was attacked by many mighty enemies in the past and defeated them. It is impossible that the crazy German will control the world and trample human culture. It did not help us.